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Imperialism: Part Two Of The Origins Of Totalitarianism, by Hannah Arendt
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This middle volume focuses on the curious and cruel epoch of declining European colonial imperialism from 1884 to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Index.
- Sales Rank: #1209551 in Books
- Published on: 1968-03-20
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x .54" w x 5.50" l, .63 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 216 pages
- ISBN13: 9780156442008
- Condition: New
- Notes: BRAND NEW FROM PUBLISHER! 100% Satisfaction Guarantee. Tracking provided on most orders. Buy with Confidence! Millions of books sold!
About the Author
Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) taught political science and philosophy at the New School for Social Research in New York, Brooklyn College, and the University of Chicago. She also wrote political studies "Origins of Totalitarianism" 1951, "The Human Condition" 1958, "Eichmann in Jerusalem" 1963
Most helpful customer reviews
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
THE SECOND VOLUME OF ARENDT’S “THE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM”
By Steven H Propp
Johanna "Hannah" Arendt (1906-1975) was a German-born political theorist, who wrote many books such as Antisemitism: Part One of The Origins of Totalitarianism, Totalitarianism: Part Three of The Origins of Totalitarianism, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, The Life of the Mind, On Violence, The Human Condition, etc.
She wrote in the 1967 Preface to this book [that was originally published in 1951], “This book deals only with the strictly European colonial imperialism whose end came with the liquidation of British rule in India. It tells the story of the disintegration of the nation state that proved to contain nearly all the elements necessary for the subsequent rise of totalitarian movements and governments. Before the imperialist era, there was no such thing as world politics, and without it, the totalitarian claim to global rule would not have made sense.” (Pg. ix)
She says, “Expansion as a permanent and supreme aim of politics is the central political idea of imperialism. Since it implies neither temporary looting nor the more lasting assimilation of conquest, it is an entirely new concept in the long history of political thought and action. The reason for this surprising originality… is simply that this concept is not really political at all, but has its origin in the realm of business speculation, where expansion meant the permanent broadening of industrial production and economic transactions characteristic of the nineteenth century.” (Pg. 5)
She notes, “What imperialists actually wanted was expansion of political power without the foundation of a body politic. Imperialist expansion had been touched off by a curious kind of economic crisis, the overproduction of capital and the emergence of ‘superfluous’ money, the result of oversaving, which could no longer find productive investment within the national borders. For the first time, investment of power did not pave the way for investment of money, but export of power followed meekly in the train of exported money, since uncontrollable investments in distant countries threatened to transform large strata of society into gamblers, to change the whole capitalist economy from a system of production into a system of financial speculation, and to replace the profits of production with profits in commissions.” (Pg. 15)
She states, “The alliance between capital and mob is to be found at the genesis of every consistently imperialist policy. In some countries, particularly in Great Britain, this new alliance between the much-too-rich and the much-too-poor was and remained confined to overseas possessions. The so-called hypocrisy of British policies was the result of the good sense of English statesmen who drew a sharp line between colonial methods and normal domestic policies, thereby avoiding with considerable success the feared boomerang effect of imperialism upon the homeland.” (Pg. 35)
She observes, “The fact that racism is the main ideological weapon of imperialistic politics is so obvious that it seems as though many students prefer to avoid the beaten track of truism. Instead, an old misconception of fascism as a kind of exaggerated nationalism is still given currency. Valuable works of students… who have proved that racism is not only a quite different phenomenon but tends to destroy the body politic of the nation, are generally overlooked. Witnessing the gigantic competition between race-thinking and class-thinking for dominion over the minds of modern men, some have been inclined to see in the one the expression of national and in the other the expression of international trends, to believe the one to be the mental preparation for national wars and the other to be the ideology for civil wars.” (Pg. 40-41)
She says, “Because English colonists had spread all over the earth, it happened that the most dangerous concept of nationalism, the idea of ‘national mission,’ was especially strong in England. Although national mission as such developed for a long time untinged by racial influences in all countries where peoples aspired to nationhood, it proved finally to have a peculiarly close affinity to race-thinking.” (Pg. 62)
She suggests, “As matters stand today, the Jews have against them the concerted hostility of all those who believe in race or gold---and that is practically the whole European population in South Africa. Yet they cannot and will not make common cause with the only other group which slowly and gradually is being won away from race society: the black workers who are becoming more and more aware of their humanity under the impact of regular labor and urban life. Although they, in contrast to the ‘whites,’ do have a genuine race origin, they have made no fetish of race, and the abolition of race society means only the promise of their liberation.” (Pg. 85)
She asserts, “statesmen of countries without minority obligations spoke an even plainer language: they took it for granted that the law of a country could not be responsible for persons insisting on a different nationality. They thereby admitted---and were quickly given the opportunity to prove it practically with the rise of stateless people---that the transformation of the state from in instrument of the law into an instrument of the nation had been completed; the nation had conquered the state, national interest had priority over law long before Hitler cold pronounce, ‘right is what is good for the German people.’ Here again the language of the mob was only the language of public opinion cleansed of hypocrisy and restraint.” (Pg. 155)
She laments, “The Rights of Man, supposedly inalienable, proved to be unenforceable---even in countries whose constitutions were based upon them---whenever people appeared who were no longer citizens of any sovereign state. To this fact, disturbing enough in itself, one must add the confusion created by the many recent attempts to frame a new bill of human rights, which have demonstrated that no one seems able to define with any assurance what those general human rights, as distinguished from the rights of citizens, really are. Although everyone seems to agree that the plight of these people consists precisely in their loss of the Rights of Man, no one seems to know which rights they lost when they lost these human rights.” (Pg. 173)
This is a penetrating analysis of Imperialism, that will be of great interest to anyone studying this subject.
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
THE SECOND VOLUME OF ARENDT’S “THE ORIGINS OF TOTALITARIANISM”
By Steven H Propp
Johanna "Hannah" Arendt (1906-1975) was a German-born political theorist, who wrote many books such as Antisemitism: Part One of The Origins of Totalitarianism, Totalitarianism: Part Three of The Origins of Totalitarianism, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil, The Life of the Mind, On Violence, The Human Condition, etc.
She wrote in the 1967 Preface to this book [that was originally published in 1951], “This book deals only with the strictly European colonial imperialism whose end came with the liquidation of British rule in India. It tells the story of the disintegration of the nation state that proved to contain nearly all the elements necessary for the subsequent rise of totalitarian movements and governments. Before the imperialist era, there was no such thing as world politics, and without it, the totalitarian claim to global rule would not have made sense.” (Pg. ix)
She says, “Expansion as a permanent and supreme aim of politics is the central political idea of imperialism. Since it implies neither temporary looting nor the more lasting assimilation of conquest, it is an entirely new concept in the long history of political thought and action. The reason for this surprising originality… is simply that this concept is not really political at all, but has its origin in the realm of business speculation, where expansion meant the permanent broadening of industrial production and economic transactions characteristic of the nineteenth century.” (Pg. 5)
She notes, “What imperialists actually wanted was expansion of political power without the foundation of a body politic. Imperialist expansion had been touched off by a curious kind of economic crisis, the overproduction of capital and the emergence of ‘superfluous’ money, the result of oversaving, which could no longer find productive investment within the national borders. For the first time, investment of power did not pave the way for investment of money, but export of power followed meekly in the train of exported money, since uncontrollable investments in distant countries threatened to transform large strata of society into gamblers, to change the whole capitalist economy from a system of production into a system of financial speculation, and to replace the profits of production with profits in commissions.” (Pg. 15)
She states, “The alliance between capital and mob is to be found at the genesis of every consistently imperialist policy. In some countries, particularly in Great Britain, this new alliance between the much-too-rich and the much-too-poor was and remained confined to overseas possessions. The so-called hypocrisy of British policies was the result of the good sense of English statesmen who drew a sharp line between colonial methods and normal domestic policies, thereby avoiding with considerable success the feared boomerang effect of imperialism upon the homeland.” (Pg. 35)
She observes, “The fact that racism is the main ideological weapon of imperialistic politics is so obvious that it seems as though many students prefer to avoid the beaten track of truism. Instead, an old misconception of fascism as a kind of exaggerated nationalism is still given currency. Valuable works of students… who have proved that racism is not only a quite different phenomenon but tends to destroy the body politic of the nation, are generally overlooked. Witnessing the gigantic competition between race-thinking and class-thinking for dominion over the minds of modern men, some have been inclined to see in the one the expression of national and in the other the expression of international trends, to believe the one to be the mental preparation for national wars and the other to be the ideology for civil wars.” (Pg. 40-41)
She says, “Because English colonists had spread all over the earth, it happened that the most dangerous concept of nationalism, the idea of ‘national mission,’ was especially strong in England. Although national mission as such developed for a long time untinged by racial influences in all countries where peoples aspired to nationhood, it proved finally to have a peculiarly close affinity to race-thinking.” (Pg. 62)
She suggests, “As matters stand today, the Jews have against them the concerted hostility of all those who believe in race or gold---and that is practically the whole European population in South Africa. Yet they cannot and will not make common cause with the only other group which slowly and gradually is being won away from race society: the black workers who are becoming more and more aware of their humanity under the impact of regular labor and urban life. Although they, in contrast to the ‘whites,’ do have a genuine race origin, they have made no fetish of race, and the abolition of race society means only the promise of their liberation.” (Pg. 85)
She asserts, “statesmen of countries without minority obligations spoke an even plainer language: they took it for granted that the law of a country could not be responsible for persons insisting on a different nationality. They thereby admitted---and were quickly given the opportunity to prove it practically with the rise of stateless people---that the transformation of the state from in instrument of the law into an instrument of the nation had been completed; the nation had conquered the state, national interest had priority over law long before Hitler cold pronounce, ‘right is what is good for the German people.’ Here again the language of the mob was only the language of public opinion cleansed of hypocrisy and restraint.” (Pg. 155)
She laments, “The Rights of Man, supposedly inalienable, proved to be unenforceable---even in countries whose constitutions were based upon them---whenever people appeared who were no longer citizens of any sovereign state. To this fact, disturbing enough in itself, one must add the confusion created by the many recent attempts to frame a new bill of human rights, which have demonstrated that no one seems able to define with any assurance what those general human rights, as distinguished from the rights of citizens, really are. Although everyone seems to agree that the plight of these people consists precisely in their loss of the Rights of Man, no one seems to know which rights they lost when they lost these human rights.” (Pg. 173)
This is a penetrating analysis of Imperialism, that will be of great interest to anyone studying this subject.
1 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
A Warning to Western Civilization
By Cato
Hannah Arendt is a philosopher, political historian, and one of the few truly expert scholars on the subject of tyrannical governments. While she is controversial, her first hand observations and analysis of Nazi Germany show that she's truly an expert. She is the first to distinguish between despotism and totalitarianism; as dictionaries seldom make the distinction. Totalitarian governments are those despotic government that not only control its people in their actions, but totalitarian governments control the minds of its citizens as well.
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